Source: JUSTIN WOLFERS, DAVID LEONHARDT and KEVIN QUEALY, 1.5 Million Missing Black Men, New York Times, The Upshot, April 20, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/04/20/upshot/missing-black-men.html?abt=0002&abg=1&_r=3.
In New York, almost 120,000 black men between the ages of 25 and 54 are missing from everyday life. In Chicago, 45,000 are, and more than 30,000 are missing in Philadelphia. Across the South — from North Charleston, S.C., through Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi and up into Ferguson, Mo. — hundreds of thousands more are missing.
They are missing, largely because of early deaths or because they are behind bars. Remarkably, black women who are 25 to 54 and not in jail outnumber black men in that category by 1.5 million, according to an Upshot analysis. For every 100 black women in this age group living outside of jail, there are only 83 black men. Among whites, the equivalent number is 99, nearly parity.
African-American men have long been more likely to be locked up and more likely to die young, but the scale of the combined toll is nonetheless jarring. It is a measure of the deep disparities that continue to afflict black men — disparities being debated after a recent spate of killings by the police — and the gender gap is itself a further cause of social ills, leaving many communities without enough men to be fathers and husbands.
Perhaps the starkest description of the situation is this: More than one out of every six black men who today should be between 25 and 54 years old have disappeared from daily life.
“The numbers are staggering,” said Becky Pettit, a professor of sociology at the University of Texas.
And what is the city with at least 10,000 black residents that has the single largest proportion of missing black men? Ferguson, Mo., where a fatal police shooting last year led to nationwide protests and a Justice Department investigation that found widespread discrimination against black residents. Ferguson has 60 men for every 100 black women in the age group, Stephen Bronars, an economist, has noted.
The gap in North Charleston, site of a police shooting this month, is also considerably more severe than the nationwide average, as is the gap in neighboring Charleston. Nationwide, the largest proportions of missing men generally can be found in the South, although there are also many similar areas across the Midwest and in many big Northeastern cities. The gaps tend to be smallest in the West.
Incarceration and early deaths are the overwhelming drivers of the gap. Of the 1.5 million missing black men from 25 to 54 — which demographers call the prime-age years — higher imprisonment rates account for almost 600,000. Almost 1 in 12 black men in this age group are behind bars, compared with 1 in 60 nonblack men in the age group, 1 in 200 black women and 1 in 500 non-black women.
Higher mortality is the other main cause. About 900,000 fewer prime-age black men than women live in the United States, according to the census. It’s impossible to know precisely how much of the difference is the result of mortality, but it appears to account for a big part. Homicide, the leading cause of death for young African-American men, plays a large role, and they also die from heart disease, respiratory disease and accidents more often than other demographic groups, including black women.
Several other factors — including military deployment overseas and the gender breakdown of black immigrants — each play only a minor role, census data indicates. The Census Bureau’s undercounting of both African-Americans and men also appears to play a role.
The gender gap does not exist in childhood: There are roughly as many African-American boys as girls. But an imbalance begins to appear among teenagers, continues to widen through the 20s and peaks in the 30s. It persists through adulthood.
The disappearance of these men has far-reaching implications. Their absence disrupts family formation, leading both to lower marriage rates and higher rates of childbirth outside marriage, as research by Kerwin Charles, an economist at the University of Chicago, with Ming-Ching Luoh, has shown.
The black women left behind find that potential partners of the same race are scarce, while men, who face an abundant supply of potential mates, don’t need to compete as hard to find one. As a result, Mr. Charles said, “men seem less likely to commit to romantic relationships, or to work hard to maintain them.”
The imbalance has also forced women to rely on themselves — often alone — to support a household. In those states hit hardest by the high incarceration rates, African-American women have become more likely to work and more likely to pursue their education further than they are elsewhere.
The missing-men phenomenon began growing in the middle decades of the 20th century, and each government census over the past 50 years has recorded at least 120 prime-age black women outside of jail for every 100 black men. But the nature of the gap has changed in recent years.
Since the 1990s, death rates for young black men have dropped more than rates for other groups, notes Robert N. Anderson, the chief of mortality statistics at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Both homicides and H.I.V.-related deaths, which disproportionately afflict black men, have dropped. Yet the prison population has soared since 1980. In many communities, rising numbers of black men spared an early death have been offset by rising numbers behind bars.
It does appear as if the number of missing black men is on the cusp of declining, albeit slowly. Death rates are continuing to fall, while the number of people in prisons — although still vastly higher than in other countries — has also fallen slightly over the last five years.
But the missing-men phenomenon will not disappear anytime soon. There are more missing African-American men nationwide than there are African-American men residing in all of New York City — or more than in Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Detroit, Houston, Washington and Boston, combined.
More information about this analysis can be found in an article about the methodology.
Today I am going to show you a fantastic choropleth map created by Matthew Bloch, Matthew Ericson and Tom Giratikanon from The New York Times. Their graph maps poverty in America.
Now, before we look at the map, let’s discuss what a choropleth map is.
A choropleth map (Greek χώρο– + πλήθ[ος]), (“area/region” + “multitude”) is a thematic map in which areas are shaded or patterned in proportion to the measurement of the statistical variable being displayed on the map, such as population density or per-capita income.
The choropleth map provides an easy way to visualize how a measurement varies across a geographic area or it shows the level of variability within a region.
A special type of choropleth map is a prism map, a three-dimensional map in which a given region’s height on the map is proportional to the statistical variable’s value for that region.
The earliest known choropleth map was created in 1826 by Baron Pierre Charles Dupin. The term “choroplethe map” was introduced 1938 by the geographer John Kirtland Wright in “Problems in Population Mapping”.
Choropleth maps are based on statistical data aggregated over previously defined regions (e.g., counties), in contrast to area-class and isarithmic maps, in which region boundaries are defined by data patterns. Thus, where defined regions are important to a discussion, as in an election map divided by electoral regions, choropleths are preferred.
Where real-world patterns may not conform to the regions discussed, issues such as the ecological fallacy and the modifiable areal unit problem (MAUP) can lead to major misinterpretations, and other techniques are preferable. Choropleth maps are frequently used in inappropriate applications due to the abundance of choropleth data and the ease of design using Geographic Information Systems.
Incorrect (population, left) and correct (population density, right) application of a choropleth to data for Boston, Massachusetts
The dasymetric technique can be thought of as a compromise approach in many situations. Broadly speaking choropleths represent two types of data: Spatially Extensive or Spatially Intensive.
- Spatially Extensive data are things like populations. The population of the UK might be 60 million, but it would not be accurate to arbitrarily cut the UK into two halves of equal area and say that the population of each half of the UK is 30 million.
- Spatially Intensive data are things like rates, densities and proportions, which can be thought of conceptually as field data that is averaged over an area. Though the UK’s 60 million inhabitants occupy an area of about 240,000 km2, and the population density is therefore about 250/km2, arbitrary halves of equal area would not also both have the same population density.
Another common error in choropleths is the use of raw data values to represent magnitude rather than normalized values to produce a map of densities. This is problematic because the eye naturally integrates over areas of the same color, giving undue prominence to larger polygons of moderate magnitude and minimizing the significance of smaller polygons with high magnitudes. Compare the circled features in the maps at right.
When mapping quantitative data, a specific color progression should be used to depict the data properly. There are several different types of color progressions used by cartographers. The following are described in detail in Robinson et al. (1995)
Single-hue progressions fade from a dark shade of the chosen color to a very light or white shade of relatively the same hue. This is a common method used to map magnitude. The darkest hue represents the greatest number in the data set and the lightest shade representing the least number.
Two variables may be shown through the use of two overprinted single color scales. The hues typically used are from red to white for the first data set and blue to white for the second, they are then overprinted to produce varying hues. These type of maps show the magnitude of the values in relation to each other.
Bi-polar progressions are normally used with two opposite hues to show a change in value from negative to positive or on either side of some either central tendency, such as the mean of the variable being mapped or other significant value like room temperature. For example a typical progression when mapping temperatures is from dark blue (for cold) to dark red (for hot) with white in the middle. When one extreme can be considered better than the other (as in this map of life expectancy) then it is common to denote the poor alternative with shades of red, and the good alternative with green.
Complementary hue progressions are a type of bi-polar progression. This can be done with any of the complementary colors and will fade from each of the darker end point hues into a gray shade representing the middle. An example would be using blue and yellow as the two end points.
Blended hue progressions use related hues to blend together the two end point hues. This type of color progression is typically used to show elevation changes. For example from yellow through orange to brown.
Partial spectral hue progressions are used to map mixtures of two distinct sets of data. This type of hue progression will blend two adjacent opponent hues and show the magnitude of the mixing data classes.
Full spectral progression contains hues from blue through red. This is common on relief maps and modern weather maps. This type of progression is not recommended under other circumstances because certain color connotations can confuse the map user.
Value progression maps are monochromatic. Although any color may be used, the archetype is from black to white with intervening shades of gray that represent magnitude. According to Robinson et al. (1995). this is the best way to portray a magnitude message to the map audience. It is clearly understood by the user and easy to produce in print.
When using any of these methods there are two important principles: first is that darker colors are perceived as being higher in magnitude and second is that while there are millions of color variations the human eye is limited to how many colors it can easily distinguish. Generally five to seven color categories is recommended. The map user should be able to easily identify the implied magnitude of the hue and match it with the legend.
Additional considerations include color blindness and various reproduction techniques. For example, the red–green bi-polar progression described in the section above is likely to cause problems for dichromats. A related issue is that color scales which rely primarily on hue with insufficient variation in saturation or intensity may be compromised if reproduced with a black and white device; if a map is legible in black and white, then a prospective user’s perception of color is irrelevant.
Color can greatly enhance the communication between the cartographer and their audience but poor color choice can result in a map that is neither effective nor appealing to the map user; sometimes simpler is better.
Mapping Poverty in America: A View of Philadelphia
Below is a screenshot of the choropleth map from The New York Times Web site. For my example, I focused on Philadelphia (no specific reason; just the one I happened to click on).
To view the actual interactive version of this map, just click on the image below.
 T. Slocum, R. McMaster, F. Kessler, H. Howard (2009). Thematic Cartography and Geovisualization, Third Edn, pages 85-86. Pearson Prentice Hall: Upper Saddle River, NJ.
 Mark Monmonier (1991). How to Lie with Maps. pp. 22-23. University of Chicago Press
 Robinson, A.H., Morrison, J.L., Muehrke, P.C., Kimmerling, A.J. & Guptill, S.C. (1995) Elements of Cartography. (6th Edition), New York: Wiley.
 Patricia Cohen (9 August 2011). “What Digital Maps Can Tell Us About the American Way”. New York Times.
 Light et al. (2004). “The End of the Rainbow? Color Schemes for Improved Data Graphics””. pp. 385. Eos,Vol. 85, No. 40, 5 October 2004.
Are We in the Midst of a Sixth Mass Extinction? by Bill Marsh, Sunday Review Graphics Editor, New York Times
Yesterday, a new season of baseball began. My Detroit Tigers look primed to go all the way and it should be a great season.
I saw this infographic in the New York Times and thought I would share it with you. There were more strikeouts in 2012 than in any other time in major league history.
Just click on the image below to see the full, interactive visualization.
I have always liked New Orleans. I don’t think there is any city like it anywhere else in the World. It hums and sings all night and day. The food is great and the people are a unique brand all their own.
I was sadden when Katrina almost wiped out the city. I have been rooting for its full recovery and for people to return to it. I love the HBO show Treme and how it depicts life right after Katrina.
I am currently in Alberto Cairo’s MOOC class, Introduction to Infographics and Data Visualization. Each week, Dr. Cairo recommends sites we should go to to see great data visualizations and infographics. This week, I went out the The New York Times Infographics site (Small labs, Inc.). I found this infographics about the population decline in New Orleans.
The overall population of New Orleans has decreased by 29 percent since a decade ago, according to data released by the Census Bureau on Thursday, January 31, 2013. The Lower Ninth Ward, the poorest neighborhood in the city and the one hardest hit by the storm, had the largest population decrease. Pockets of New Orleans East, a low-lying section of the city that was also devastated by the storm, also had large drops. The few areas with an increase in population tended to be along the Mississippi River, a higher-elevation section of the city that was not significantly flooded after the storm. [Source]
This is very sad news to hear. I hope through people visiting for Marti Gras, sports events, and other occasions will find it the right place for them to be and help bring the city back to a full recovery.